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April 20, 2022

Responding To: Innovating Protection for Migrant and Asylum-Seeking Children in U.S. Communities

Immigrant Families Belong Together

Emily Bartholomew, J.D., LL.M.

The first time I walked into an Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) shelter eight years ago in Texas, I wasn’t sure what to expect. As an attorney for kids in California foster care, I had been inside group homes before; the best of these were houses in residential areas where several kids lived together, wore clothes that expressed their individuality, and generally moved around the house as they pleased. The ORR detention facility looked different and felt different than what I was used to. I saw many of the things that scholars like Lauren Heidbrink and Susan Terrio describe in their books: sterile, institutional facilities where children wear matching clothes, stand in line with other children to be transported as a group to another part of the facility, and are constantly monitored by facility staff.

While I might not have been aware of it at the time, it was the introduction to many differences between state child welfare systems and the way unaccompanied children navigate the immigration system. The stark differences between two systems serving such similar goals raise questions about equity and identify opportunities to improve outcomes for immigrant children and their families. While the state of foster care in the United States is far from perfect, the federal government can strengthen its support for immigration children and their families by drawing on good practices from the child welfare space.

Two Systems with Similar Goals

The Child Welfare System

Each state in the United States has its own child welfare system: a network of agencies that investigate and address allegations of child abuse, neglect, and abandonment. Parents have the fundamental right under the U.S. Constitution to custody of their children, which can’t be interfered with without due process of law. The three primary goals of California's child welfare (aka dependency) system have been defined as 1) the safety and protection of the child, 2) the preservation of family unity whenever possible, and 3) ensuring a stable, permanent home for the child. In short: if a child has come to the attention of Child Protection Services (CPS), that child should remain with their family so long as CPS can’t prove that it would be unsafe to do so.

Unaccompanied Children and ORR Custody

When an undocumented person under the age of 18 arrives in the United States, unaccompanied by a parent or legal guardian, she is deemed an unaccompanied child. An immigrant child who arrives with an adult relative and is separated from that relative by U.S. Customs & Border Patrol (CBP) also receives the unaccompanied child designation. (Family separation achieved peak infamy during the Trump Administration's Zero Tolerance policy, when the news of children being torn from their mother’s arms at CBP Processing Centers shocked the country, sparking the #FamiliesBelongTogether movement.) Under the Flores settlement, unaccompanied children have the right to be released from detention “without unnecessary delay” to a trusted adult (sponsor). Since the George W. Bush administration, the Office of Refugee Resettlement has been tasked with detaining unaccompanied children and overseeing their release to sponsors. The overwhelming majority of unaccompanied children have a family member or trusted adult in the United States who they want to live with.

As said by Dependency Judge Leonard Edwards, “ORR performs a role similar to state child welfare systems in that it aims to move children safely and promptly from government custody, including congregate care settings, to stable placements with family members or other caregivers.” Despite having similar goals, in practice, it seems harder for immigration system-involved families to be together than it is for child welfare system-involved children. Two ways that equity can be achieved for immigrant families are by imposing limitations on the use of congregate care in foster care to the ORR context, and by enhancing due process protections for children and their parents or relative caregivers so that unaccompanied children can be released to (or, if separated, reunified with) their families.

Disincentivizing Congregate Care

Congregate care settings, also called group homes or institutions, have been defined as facilities housing seven children or more. While the trend in the child welfare context has been to move away from detaining children in large congregate care settings, this has not been the case in the immigration context. For example, while the median number of child welfare system-involved children in congregate care settings in 2018 was 10.5%, from January 2018 to September 2019 90.2% of unaccompanied children were detained in facilities of 50 children or more while awaiting reunification. (During this period of time, most unaccompanied children were detained in facilities housing 200 or more children, due in large part to the use of large-scale “emergency” facilities— a trend that shows little sign of slowing.)

Child welfare literature makes clear that congregate care systems are harmful to the health, safety, and development of children, and that children placed in them are more likely to experience abuse and negative educational outcomes. The Children's Bureau (which, like ORR, is housed in the Department of Health and Human Services' Administration for Children and Families) has acknowledged “there is consensus across multiple stakeholders that most children and youth, but especially young children, are best served in a family setting.”

In addition to health and safety considerations, the use of congregate care settings is disfavored in the child welfare context since Black and Brown children are disproportionately more likely to be placed in these facilities. Equity considerations should also motivate a new approach in the immigration context – a system comprised mostly of congregate care settings – particularly when over 90% of kids in ORR custody are Latinx.

Federal law and policy can be a valuable tool in ensuring fewer unaccompanied children are placed in congregate care settings while awaiting family reunification. The Family First Prevention Services Act, adopted by Congress in 2018, codified the need “to invest in funding prevention and family services to help keep children safe and supported at home, to ensure that children in foster care are placed in the least restrictive, most family-like, and appropriate setting.” This act imposes limits on federal funds for congregate foster care settings, providing a financial incentive for state and county governments to avoid placing children in these settings wherever possible. In California, the local child welfare agency is now held to a higher standard when recommending that a child be placed in a congregate care setting. Judges presiding over dependency proceedings must be persuaded that all efforts to place the child in a community/family-based setting have been exhausted, that the child has specialized needs that can only be met in a congregate care setting, and that there is a plan in place to ensure the child moves to a less restrictive setting. Adopting policies that limit funding for congregate care settings and impose evidentiary burdens on the government agency proposing to place children in them could also be applied to children in ORR custody to reduce the reliance on congregate care placements.

Due Process and the Presumption of Parental Fitness

Children are generally safer with their parents or adult caregivers. In the child welfare context, if a child has been removed from one parent based on allegations of abuse and neglect, there is a presumption in favor of returning children to the noncustodial parent. In California, for example, the government must release the child to the noncustodial parent (regardless of their immigration status) unless it is established by clear and convincing evidence that such placement would be detrimental to the child. Many unaccompanied children are seeking to reunify with a previously noncustodial parent living in the United States. The parents of immigration system-involved children faced what scholars like Lauren Heidbrink have identified that the cumbersome ORR reunification process creates a presumption that sponsors are unfit and places the burden on the sponsor to overcome this presumption. Furthermore, case managers employed by ORR facilities have broad discretion to deny sponsorship applications; unfettered discretion leaves open the possibility of individual bias to impact release decisions, in the same way that prosecutorial discretion leaves room for bias to dictate racially disparate outcomes in the criminal justice system. Creating a judicial process whereby ORR has the burden of demonstrating why a child cannot be safely reunited with the parent seeking sponsorship could operationalize a presumption of fitness. Creating a process of judicial review for sponsorship denials (such as through the process proposed by NCYL) whereby an impartial judge determines whether the government has met its burden in keeping family members apart would add fairness and transparency to what is now a highly opaque reunification process.

Conclusion

One of the biggest strengths immigrant children arriving in the United States have are their family members living in communities across the nation. By drawing on policies and due process protections for child welfare system-involved families and applying them to the immigration context, we can disincentivize the detention of unaccompanied children in congregate settings, making it easier for them to access familial protection. Concurrent with this policy change, we can create a culture where immigrant kids are presumed to be better off with their families, just like their U.S.-born peers.

Emily Bartholomew began her legal career representing children in California foster care. After completing an LL.M. on children’s rights and interning with the UNHCR in Malta, she moved to Texas to defend detained unaccompanied children in removal proceedings. She currently works as a program manager at the Vera Institute of Justice. The views and opinions expressed here are her own.


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